Every reasoned modern political conception revolves, whether it be acknowledged or not,round the central factor of all future development—the Social Problem.Social distress is more than a bread-and-butter question. If it were no more than that, theMarxist would had been right. The proletarian is not international out of any love forinternational admixing, but because of the tragic realization that, formerly, there was no nationalsolution of his problem of existence. Bourgeois selfishness and Jewish competition workedtogether, consciously and unconsciously, and produced that thing which steals from the peoplethe very light and breath of life—the Class War.Social distress breeds the passion for Security. Deep in the proletariat slumbers a love forHome, Soil and Fatherland, which finds its expression in good as well as bad forms, alwaysready for the noblest sacrifice. Even under Marxism the proletariat feels no hate for theFatherland, but only for that bourgeois perversion of the Fatherland—the System. This Systemcreated indeed a condition in which nationalism and capitalism were one and the same thing. Thestruggle against internationalism can never be won with phrases. Social distress can only besolved through social action. The proletariat will continue to think internationally so long as theyhave no share in the Nation. How can one love and respect something which one does not know?The Social Problem is a question of making the international city-proletariat once moreconscious of their fundamental relationship with the soil. Man can only gain root in his own soil.He only feels himself related to that which is his own. The only effective struggle againstBolshevism is the elimination of Capitalism.It shows the lack of political instinct in the middle-classes that they identified themselves withCapitalism, with which, after all, they had little enough to do. Capitalism is the immoraldistribution of capital. Capitalism in economics is the same thing as democracy in politics:namely, the immoral distribution of power within the State. Both factors, Capitalism andDemocracy—their relation is as son to father—are the sworn enemies of a new socialorganization of the State. Up to the present they were satisfied with ignoring the Social Problem,and evaded the issue as far as possible by a hypocritical profession of philanthropy. That is thetragedy of Liberalism—philanthropy: a conglomeration of bourgeois cowardice, sentimentality,sadism and fear. The whole story of social 'amelioration' unfolds itself before our eyes as aterrible example of Liberal incapacity to deal with the Social Problem—much less tocomprehend its depths. The Social Problem has nothing, absolutely nothing, to do withsentimentality and 'Charity'. It is a problem of national necessity. It is not the mere fact thatsome millions go hungry that gives this problem its world-wide political importance, but that itmay cause the collapse of the Nation. That alone gives continuity to social ideas. Sentimentalityand 'Charity' are utterly unreliable of themselves. National necessity alone creates fanaticismand the fierce impulse of faith. So it is that the Social Problem is grounded in the structure offuture political developments and gives youth new duties and new tasks.From this realization a truly social concept of the State emerges, which has as little to do with******ebook converter DEMO Watermarks*******Marxist-proletarian as with liberal-democratic notions. I am thinking in a social sense when Iwish for the oppressed classes of my fellow countrymen the attainment of their natural rights, asrights, and not as more or less voluntary gifts. I am thinking in a social sense when I demandthese rights not from motives of bourgeois fear or sentimentality, but from the realization ofnational necessity and social justice.The Liberal man thinks as a bourgeois; the Marxist man thinks as a proletarian; the Socialman thinks nationally, in terms of a national state designed to fulfil a common destiny. For himnational and social thinking mean one and the same thing: Love for the Nation; belief in itsfuture; and the will to freedom.
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Fascist Voices Essays From The 'Fascist Quarterly'
Non-FictionFascist Voices contains a unique and uncompromising collection of essays that appeared in Fascist Quarterly (later titled British Union Quarterly) during the turbulent 1930s. This publication was a bold attempt by the British Union of Fascists to co...
