The Renaissance Book and Oromo Nationalism

Chapter 6- Stage of Persecution and Impac on Generation's

This chapter analyzes the long-term impacts of institutional persecution and atrocities on Oromo society. It explores the economic, cultural and human costs of marginalization and discrimination against Oromos. The chapter also assesses the resilience and survival of Oromo identity in the face of repeated oppression. On the current situation and remaining challenges for Oromos: The appointment of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in 2018 brought hopes of reform and change after decades of Oromo marginalization within Ethiopia. Abiy, an Oromo himself, initiated important steps like releasing political prisoners, allowing dissident groups, and prosecuting human rights violations.
However, there remains much discontent about the slow pace of change and ongoing repression. The promised transition to genuine democracy and self-determination for the Oromo and other peoples has yet to materialize.While banned Oromo nationalist parties like the OLF have returned to the political mainstream, many leaders and activists remain imprisoned or targeted. Oromo media outlets still face harassment and obstruction under the new administration.
The violent suppression of protests, arrests of dissidents and alleged extrajudicial killings in Oromia have continued. The promised reconciliation dialogue and acknowledgement of historic injustices has not occurred.Questions remain unresolved around the constitution, role of ethnicity, powers of regional states, language rights, and other issues key to Oromo inclusion and aspirations for self-governance.
Land disputes and evictions have persisted as Oromo farmers get displaced for development projects planned from Addis Ababa with limited local input or consent.substantive change to address the root causes of Oromo dissent remains lacking. While hope persists, frustration and grievances are growing due to the slow pace of reforms under Abiy's leadership.Genuine democracy, civil rights, reconciliation, and autonomy over local affairs remain elusive for the Oromo. Historic struggles and sacrifices to emancipate Oromia from oppression continue in various forms old and new.

The current issues and remaining challenges for the Oromo people:The absence of transparent investigations and accountability for the mass deaths, injuries and detentions during the anti-government protests from 2015-2018 remains a sore point.The promised transition to free and fair elections and inclusive political participation has stalled. Opposition activists still face harassment and arrests using old authoritarian laws.
Military and security services remain dominated by non-Oromo elements tied to the old regime. Lack of trust in their reform persists within Oromo society.Complex questions around Oromia's borders, Addis Ababa's status, division of powers; resource sharing and representation in federal institutions await constitutional resolution.
Youth joblessness, high living costs, and economic frustrations continue to fuel unrest and dissent against the government among Oromo youth activists.Oromo nationalist forces remain fragmented and struggle to consolidate gains politically due to internal rivalries and ongoing state efforts to weaken their emergence.Rehabilitating and integrating returned Oromo political refugees and exiles continues to be a lengthy challenge across economic, cultural and political spheres.
Perceptions that the Oromo PM Abiy has been coopted by Amhara powerbrokers fuels suspicions that historic Oromo demands will be undermined or suppressed by the central state yet again.So substantial reform to transform the oppressive system and address fundamental Oromo grievances remains lacking, posing risks of renewed unrest and dissent.
additional points on the current challenges and issues facing the Oromo people:Questions of cultural rights and language policy - Amharic continues to dominate federally and in urban domains, while Afaan Oromoo faces restrictions in administration, media, justice systems, etc.Lack of transparency and inclusion in major development projects - Oromos demand greater say over large-scale agricultural, industrial and infrastructure initiatives on their land.Weak civic society and independent institutions - Trade unions, professional groups, chambers of commerce remain subservient to ruling party interests or face obstruction.
Security and judicial reform is inadequate - The military, police and courts retain personnel tied to past rights violations and unfair prosecution of dissidents.Reconciliation and acknowledgement of historic grievances pending - No meaningful efforts to recognize past injustices and facilitate reconciliation through memorials, reparations, apologies.
Unclear solutions to internal border disputes - Contestation over administrative boundaries, rights to urban areas, resources and representation in divided districts persists.Fair sharing of revenues from Oromia resources absent - Calls for greater flows back to Oromia from export commodities, hydroelectric power, minerals originating from the state.
Lack of policy input and inclusion in foreign affairs - Oromos seek greater say in bilateral relations, foreign policy formulation, and regional integration decision-making.Weak civil society - Restrictions on activists, rights monitors, independent media outlets, opposition groups limits growth of vibrant civil society.So despite some openings, substantive reform is still lacking on issues fundamental to Oromo aspirations for equality, self-determination and overcoming historic marginalization.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's rise to power in 2018 was welcomed by Oromos and raised hopes for reform after decades of marginalization.However, the transition has been slow and there is growing frustration over the lack of tangible change on key issues of self-governance, security reforms, reconciliation, fair elections, language rights, etc.
Historic Oromo grievances rooted in the imperial and Derg eras remain unaddressed by the current government. Questions over autonomy, cultural rights, land, resources and political voice persist.The oppressive structures of the Ethiopian state remain largely intact despite some opening up of political space and rhetoric of reform.Substantive transformation required to meet Oromo aspirations for equitable treatment, self-determination and overcoming economic and political exclusion is still lacking.
As a result, Oromo protests and activism continue in various forms as youth in particular demand fundamental reforms and accountability from the Abiy government.Genuine democratization, reconciliation, and resolution of key constitutional questions related to rights and powers of Oromia are needed to ensure stability and help the Oromo realize their long-denied dreams.I am afraid I have exhausted the information I have on current Oromo issues and challenges under Abiy Ahmed's government.
Here are some current efforts to address the historical persecution of Oromos in Ethiopia:Advocacy for greater political representation and self-determination by Oromo activist groups and opposition leaders.This includes efforts to promote the use of the Oromo language in education and government.Legal and legislative reforms to restore land rights and provide compensation or redress for historical land dispossession under previous regimes.Truth and reconciliation initiatives to acknowledge past abuses suffered by Oromos and foster greater dialogue across ethnic groups. For example, the Prime Minister has issued apologiesDecentralization and reforms to the structure of the Ethiopian state to allow for more regional autonomy and self-administration, especially for the Oromia region.Repeal of oppressive laws used to silence dissent and criminalize Oromo nationalism by previous regimes.Increased opening of civil society.Greater inclusion of Oromo identity and narratives in school curricula, museums, monuments and other institutions to educate people on historical injustices.
Efforts to promote Oromo culture and heritage, such as through music, art, literature, film and cultural events.Celebration of the Oromo Irreecha festival was allowed starting in 1991.Scholarship and research to document the persecution of Oromos and bring these issues into mainstream awareness and education.Here are some additional details on current efforts to address the historical persecution of Oromos in Ethiopia: Reforms to increase Oromo language use in schools, media, and government offices. However, Amharic still dominates federal institutions.Lifting of bans and restrictions on Oromo political parties like the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) to allow them to participate in the political process.
Release of Oromo political prisoners and journalists jailed under past governments.However, some arrests continue under the current regime.Initiatives to promote Oromo history and culture like the Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau.
But funding and support remains limited.Monuments and memorials to recognize victims of past state violence against Oromo protesters. However, broader truth and reconciliation efforts are still lacking.Expansion of the Oromia Broadcasting Network TV channel and increased Oromo language programming to help share Oromo perspectives. Scholarship efforts by Oromo Studies Association and Oromo scholars to conduct more research on Oromo history and experiences of marginalization.Constitutional change to better enshrine Oromia self-governance and language rights. But reforms have stalled recently.
Overall, progress has been made but major challenges persist in addressing the legacy of Oromo repression and systemic inequities under previous regimes.Some of the key challenges that still need to be addressed regarding the historical persecution of Oromos in Ethiopia include: Entrenched economic inequality and underdevelopment in Oromia that stems from decades of marginalization.Lack of adequate investments in health, education and infrastructure.
Ongoing human rights abuses and lack of accountability for security forces, especially during crackdowns on Oromo protests and dissent.Questions over the government's commitment to fully implement constitutional promises of self-determination and language rights.Continued dominance of state institutions by non-Oromo groups at the expense of Oromo representatives.
Lack of fair power and resource sharing.Land rights issues around restoration of historically seized Oromo land, proper compensation, and equitable land policy reforms.Lack of robust reconciliation efforts, truth commissions, memorialization or reparations to properly acknowledge and address past state atrocities.
Concerns over continued repression and arrests of some Oromo leaders, activists and journalists despite reforms.Limited funding and institutional support for Oromo language education, media, cultural institutions and further historical research.Pushback from more conservative elements of the Ethiopian state against embracing Oromo identity and addressing past injustices.Overall need to implement deeper systemic change to achieve lasting justice and overcome the legacy of institutionalized repression of Oromos.
The political situation remains tense with concerns about harsh tactics used to suppress Oromo nationalism and demands for self-determination. But the context is complex.The Abiy government has made reconciliation attempts and released many Oromo political prisoners. However, substantial reforms are still needed to address issues like maladministration and inequality.More impartial investigations and reporting could help shed light on the current human rights situation of Oromos.
But claims of genocide should not be made lightly without extensive verified evidence.Ultimately, addressing the long legacy of grievances will require an inclusive political settlement and fair power sharing along with measures for accountability, truth and justice regarding past repression.
The path forward remains challenging.Some additional considerations on this complex issue:There are concerning reports of human rights abuses against Oromo civilians by security forces, including mass detentions, torture and killings. However the scale, intent and coordination of these abuses is unclear.Prosecution and persecution of political dissidents continues, but is not necessarily targeted at the Oromo people as a whole. The Ethiopian state has a history of repressing many groups.
The context today differs from the past expansionary wars and dispossession under imperial rulers like Menelik II, which some argue had genocidal impacts.The Abiy government's lifting of the terrorist designation on Oromo groups and release of prisoners indicates some progress, albeit insufficient.Making charges of ongoing genocide should not be done lightly without extensive, verified evidence.
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