Chapter 13

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Chapter 13

(September 5, 2023)

In a press room in the Pentagon, General Mark Milley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, steps up to the podium to begin his remarks for this day.

"Good morning," Milley addresses the gathered reporters, setting out his files for the press conference before continuing, "Toda, I am here to report on several new developments in the ongoing situation in Ukraine."

"This morning, Russian ground forces launched an attack against Bakhmut in an attempt to retake the city after losing it to Ukrainian and American forces a week ago. Ukrainian mechanized units, along with the tanks and infantry of our 3rd Infantry Division, are holding a firm defensive line along the eastern border of Bakhmut. Initial reports have shown that allied defensive positions are holding well."

"General, will there be any efforts to launch a further offensive out of Bakhmut?" a reporter asks.

"Not at the moment. Russia seems keen to retake the city, so for the time being, all forces in and around Bakhmut will hold positions and break any attempts by Russia to retake the city. Only once we have moved significant reinforcements to the area and confirmed Russian attempts to retake Bakhmut have failed will we attempt to launch an offensive out of the city,"

Another reporter pipes up and asks, "General, what's the status on the F-16 deal?"

Prior to the nuclear attack, Ukraine had been in discussions for the acquisition of F-16s and training of Ukrainian pilots on the F-16. Although NATO airpower after the intervention had seriously reduced the need, NATO still wanted to build up Ukraine's air force so it would be more self-sufficient, both during and after the war. However, now, the negotiations were not just for a small supply of second-hand F-16s.

Ukraine had really begun efforts to build up its efforts. They had received pledges for 34 older, second-hand F-16s from Denmark and the Netherlands. In addition, they had begun negotiations with the US for new-build F-16s to be delivered as soon as possible. In addition, the Ukrainians had signed a deal with Australia and Air USA for the purchase of 41 former Australian F/A-18 Hornets, which would be delivered by the end of the year, with Ukrainian pilots starting training in Australia and Canada to fly the Hornet.

Ukraine had also begun efforts to better build up their air force after the war. They had already announced a deal with Sweden for the acquisition of 72 JAS-39 Gripens, most of which would be license-built at a plant in Lviv. They were also in talks with the US for two dozen Super Hornets to replace the former Australian F/A-18s when they would have to be retired in a few years. They were also in discussion with the French for the acquisition of Rafales, but these discussions were only in the beginning stages.

The real surprising move came from Egypt. The Egyptian Air Force was now built almost entirely on Western aircraft, especially their fleet of fighters. The major exception was their fleet of MiG-29Ms bought a few years ago. However, due to the situation with Russia and increasing ties to the West, it had become a little difficult for Egypt to fully maintain the fleet, as well as to operate it in conjunction with the rest of their fleet. And so, just a few days ago, Egypt had announced that, in exchange for a more speedy resolution to their desire to purchase F-15Es from the US, they would willing to sell their remaining 43 MiG-29Ms to Ukraine. This would be huge boost, as Ukrainian pilots could transition very easily to the plane, and the models offered by Egypt were far more capable than the MiG-29 variants currently operated by Ukraine. This possibility was still being negotiated, but it was a huge development, and was also a huge step forward in international opposition to Russia in the war, as previously, Cairo had not taken much of a stance in either direction.

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